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The author served as UK minister for tradition, communications and artistic industries from 2010-16
The most recent chapter within the Conservative get together’s astonishing post-Brexit psychodrama has delivered the departure of Liz Truss, the shortest-serving prime minister in historical past. How the Tories come again from that is anyone’s guess. However there will probably be no return until they take an extended, laborious take a look at themselves and assume significantly about what kind of nation Britain may very well be.
In 1997, after the catastrophic Tory election defeat and the triumph of Tony Blair’s New Labour, I, together with individuals similar to Michael Gove and Nick Boles, launched into a challenge to “modernise” the Conservative get together.
Our mantra was easy: the Tories ought to embrace Britain for what it’s in the present day, moderately than what they wished it to be. Our equal of Blair’s battle along with his personal get together over clause 4 of the Labour structure was part 28, the Thatcher laws that prevented faculties from instructing youngsters about homosexuality. In 1997, the Tories opposed its repeal. Fifteen years later, beneath prime minister David Cameron, they had been introducing homosexual marriage.
However our marketing campaign went wider than that. We understood that voters treasured their public companies, and cared about points such because the atmosphere and human rights. These had been points Conservatives cared about too. However we had merely forgotten to reassure the general public about our strategy.
In fact, the Tory modernisers ended up being derided because the “Notting Hill Set”, a prototype of the Stay-voting, tofu-eating “wokerati” ridiculed within the Home of Commons this week by former dwelling secretary Suella Braverman. (I hate tofu, by the way in which.)
However it’s now time for the modernisers to rise once more and embark on modernisation 2.0 — which will probably be a lot more durable to do whereas nonetheless in workplace. The primary time round, modernisation was begun in opposition.
If that first rejuvenation challenge gave the impression to be extra type than substance, there was a motive for it. Type counts for lots in politics, particularly now that latest Tory prime ministers have derided a lot of their pure supporters, suggesting they’ve had sufficient of specialists, “residents of nowhere”, enterprise and the so-called anti-growth coalition. You don’t get very far with an perspective like that.
There’s a very profound query confronting those that want to modernise the Conservative get together in the present day: what’s Britain’s place on the planet? What are we able to attaining, both by ourselves or with others?
Many Tories nonetheless imagine Britain’s narrative needs to be about Empire and previous glories, that our historical past ought to by no means be questioned, and that we are able to proceed to bestride the globe and bend the world to our will. In brief, that we are able to flip the clock again to a small state pre- (second world) battle financial system.
A contemporary Tory, then again, understands that we’ve a way more thrilling future primarily based on our strengths in the present day. The UK is Europe’s know-how hub; we’ve world-class universities; a public realm largely freed from corruption; the rule of legislation; and common public companies.
Because the previous cliché goes, Britain is a good place to reside and work, laborious although which may be to imagine in the meanwhile. Both you assume trendy Britain is a monstrous carbuncle on the face of a much-loved pal, or an thrilling, dynamic Twenty first-century financial system with monumental potential.
The outlines of the brand new modernisation agenda are clear. We should come to phrases with Brexit and prioritise our relationship with our closest neighbours and our greatest and nearest market. Meaning stopping the immature stand-off with Brussels and making an financial and migration settlement with Europe our greatest precedence.
We additionally have to cease residing within the shadow of Margaret Thatcher — though I admit I stated that in 1997, too. The Conservative get together bangs on about tax cuts, with the results all too evident in Kwasi Kwarteng’s disastrous “mini” finances, however we’d obtain way more with tax simplification.
As for “levelling up”, that’s not about transferring civil servants across the nation, however ought to imply constructing the rail networks we have to really deliver the nation collectively. We must always revive the Northern Powerhouse and be unstinting in our assist for the Excessive Pace 2 rail challenge.
Training ought to concentrate on the entire little one, with an emphasis on well being and real alternative for these from the least advantaged backgrounds. And authorities needs to be digital and targeted on clear and achievable goals which have an actual influence on the lives of our fellow residents.
It is a manifesto stuffed with optimism and hope. The Tories haven’t profited from ideology. They’d do higher specializing in what works. It’s time to cease revering the previous and fearing the longer term.
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